Nicaragua is one of the continent’s poorest countries, reflected among other things in low housing standards and widespread nutritional deficiencies. Visit AbbreviationFinder to see the definitions of NIC and acronym for Nicaragua. In the 1980s, public care was expanded, but in the 1990s, the social sector was also affected by the country’s transformation towards an economy built on private initiatives. By vaccination campaigns, polion was eradicated. Reform work was mainly slowed down by the civil war, and the gap between poor and rich increased again during the 1990s.
Theoretically there is a health insurance system and old-age pension, but in practice, very few get the benefit from the health care benefits and the amounts are modest. The woman’s position was strengthened during the 1980s; among other things, she got as much right as the man to acquire land, to become an independent member of cooperatives and to receive equal pay for equal work. Check to see Nicaragua population.
1933-79 Somoza dictatorship
The United States’ new occupation of the country was heroically fought by General Augusto C. Sandino, who, at the head of a peasant army of 3,000 soldiers, opposed the 12,000 North American Navy infantrymen supported by the Air Force and the local oligarchy. In 1933, Sandino fulfilled his promise: to lay down the weapons when the last navy left the country. But the betrayal was already prepared. The North Americans had replaced the country’s military with a National Guard, and its commander, Anastasio Somoza García, utilized a reconciliation meeting between Sandino and President Sacasa to assassinate the guerrilla leader and subsequently take office. A post he retained until he was executed in 1956 by Patriots Rigoberto López Pérez.
López Pérez murdered the tyrant, but not the tyrant. During his two decades in power, Anastasio Somoza has managed to submit to almost the entire country’s economy. The country’s ruler thus controlled both economic, political and military power. Anastasio Somoza García was succeeded in the presidential post by his son, engineer Luis Somoza Debayle, who handed over the government to his son, Anastasio, who was educated at the North American Military Academy West Point.
Anastasio carried out a violent repression, banned the unions, shattered the peasant organizations and banned the political parties of the opposition. However, popular resistance was never completely crushed. In the early 1960’s, student leader Carlos Fonseca Amador formed the guerrilla movement Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional (FSLN), which for 17 years built and developed the fight against the Somoza dictatorship. In January 1978, Somoza ordered opposition leader Pedro Joaquín Chamorro – director of the daily “La Prensa” – executed. This murder triggered extensive protest demonstrations and a general strike.
A complaint against the United States filed by Managua in April 1984 led to a condemnation of the Washington government by the United Nations International Court of Justice in The Hague: this in June 1986 found the United States responsible for a series of violations of the international law for the support of anti-Sandinist forces, air raids and military attacks against the territory of the Nicaragua, the deposition of mines in its territorial waters and the trade embargo against it. The court ruled that the United States was under an obligation to “immediately cease” such violations and “indemnify Nicaragua” for all damages caused to it; but the Washington government, which had declared since 1984 that it did not accept jurisdiction in this case, rejected the ruling and vetoed a UN Security Council resolution in full support of it (July). These developments were accompanied by a growth in relations between the Nicaragua and the Soviet Union (also in terms of economic and military aid), while the attempt to promote a general pacification process in Central America led by the countries of the so-called Contadora group (from the name of the Panamanian island where they first met in January 1983): Mexico, Panama, Colombia and Venezuela.
Since 1983, Contadora’s group had formulated a peace plan, which included, among other things, the end of all foreign military intervention in the region and the commitment of each Central American government to cease any form of support for forces operating against other governments; but the subsequent proposals for an agreement, drawn up by the group on this basis starting in 1984, did not succeed in obtaining the accession of all five countries concerned (Guatemala, Honduras, Salvador, Nicaragua, Costa Rica) nor the consent of the United States. The situation was unlocked only in 1987, when a new peace initiative by the President of Costa Rica, O. Arias Sánchez, allowed the five Central American states to sign the Esquipulas (Guatemala City) agreements on 7 August: each of these s’
Despite the Esquipulas agreements, followed by a series of meetings between Central American presidents, aimed at developing the peace process on a regional level, the contras maintained their bases in Honduras (they were expelled from Costa Rica instead) and continued to receive support. of the governments of Tegucigalpa and that of Washington: thus they were able to continue military operations against the Nicaragua even after 1987, while the economic conditions of the country became increasingly serious.